Thursday, November 30, 2006

Lankan govt clamps down on Jaffna University - NDTV

By Rajesh Ramachandran

Sunday, November 26, 2006 (Colombo):

The humanitarian crisis in Sri Lanka is getting from bad to worse with every passing day.

NDTV travelled to the Jaffna University, which the Sri Lankan government claims is a breeding ground for training the LTTE.

The Sinhalese perception of Jaffna University is that it's a nursery for Tiger cubs. The university, which was unable to feed its students, was forced to close in August.

Also closed to students was their road to learning - the A9 highway - which brought many of them to the temple of Tamil studies from LTTE controlled Kilinochchi and Mulativu districts.


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எழுத்துருவைத் தெரிவுசெய்ய.
பாமினி ஆங்கில உச்சரிப்பில்

[மேலுள்ள பெட்டியில் தட்டச்சினால் கீழுள்ள பெட்டியில் ஒருங்குறிக்கு (Unicode) மாற்றப்பட்ட எழுத்துரு கிடைக்கும்]

சுரதா, கிருபாவுக்கு நன்றி

Wednesday, November 29, 2006

Sri Lanka is India's problem

C. Yogendran

November 29, 2006

The sun, round and orange, hangs high in the Jaffna sky like a lopped-off head, weeping rays of blood, while terror stricken civilians huddle in fear of the next wave of bombs. Pushed to the brink with killings and starvation, the people of north and east Sri Lanka are once more in dire straits.
Israeli designed Kfir jets roar into Jaffna peninsula and the east coast to deposit bunker busters and other demonic payloads. The casualties mount. The United States aggressively trains the Sri Lankan Special Forces. Pakistani generals and military personnel train and advise their counterparts in Colombo. China provides economic support. When are the Russians coming, I wonder?

Yet India, refusing to be shaken from its stupor, remains on the sidelines and fiddles. Or, so it seems.

The well worn expression '�using a sledgehammer to break an egg', comes to mind. With such enthusiastic support, it is no wonder the Sri Lankan government conducts a relentless campaign of terror against the Tamil civilians.

Read more....

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எழுத்துருவைத் தெரிவுசெய்ய.
பாமினி ஆங்கில உச்சரிப்பில்

[மேலுள்ள பெட்டியில் தட்டச்சினால் கீழுள்ள பெட்டியில் ஒருங்குறிக்கு (Unicode) மாற்றப்பட்ட எழுத்துரு கிடைக்கும்]

சுரதா, கிருபாவுக்கு நன்றி

Tuesday, November 28, 2006

மாவீரர்நாள் உரை - ஆங்கில வடிவம்

27.11.2006 அன்று நினைவுகூரப்பட்ட தமிழீழ மாவீரர்நாளில் தேசியத் தலைவர் பிரபாகரன் அவர்கள் ஆற்றிய உரையின் அதிகாரபூர்வ ஆங்கில மொழிபெயர்ப்பு.
முழு உரையும் தரப்பட்டுள்ளது.

LTTE leader’s Heroes’ Day speech

[The full text of the official translation of LTTE leader’s Heroes’ Day speech]

“We are at a cross roads in our freedom struggle. Our journey has been long and arduous, and crowded with difficult phases. We are facing challenges and unexpected turns that no other freedom movement had to face. Unprecedented in history, we are dealing with war and peace talks at the same time.

Six years have passed since we dedicated ourselves to find a solution to the ethnic conflict through peace talks. In this long time span, has a solution been found to the burning Tamil national question? Was there any visible change in the mindset of the Sinhala leadership that continues to inflict unrelenting cruelty on the Tamil people? Were any of the justifiable requests of the Tamils been fulfilled? Were our people able to find relief from the daily harassment and misery at the hands of the occupying military? Were the daily basic problems of our people resolved? None of these has happened. Instead, death and destruction were heaped on the Tamils who hoped that they would receive justice.

While the countries that preached peace maintain silence without conscience, a great tragedy is unfolding in the Tamil homeland. The Sinhala government has imprisoned the Tamils in their own land after closing its main supply routes. Having removed their freedom by restricting their movement and constrained their lives, it is inflicting great suffering on them. It has split the Tamil homeland, set up military camps, bound it with barbed wire, and has converted it into a site of collective torture.

The Sinhala government has unleashed a two pronged war, military and economic, on our people. Our people are subjected to unprecedented assaults. Arrests, imprisonment, and torture, rape and sexual harassment, murders, disappearance, shelling, aerial bombing, and military offensives are continuing unchecked. At the same time our people are subjected to an inhuman economic embargo on essential items including food and medicine.

Even after the ceasefire, negotiations and the five years of patiently keeping peace, the dividends of peace have not reached our people. Instead our people are faced with unbearable burdens in their daily lives. Thousands of our people have been forced out of their homes and are languishing with disease and hunger in refugee camps. No one should expect that this Sinhala government which is denying food and medicine to our people to the extent of starving them would show compassion and give them their political rights.

The monumental growth in knowledge and the resulting global outlook is taking humanity into a new era. Ideas, views and philosophies are changing in tandem with this growth in knowledge and this is resulting in changes in society. Yet, within the Sinhala nation, there is little change in its ideas and philosophies. The Sinhala nation is refusing to broaden its thinking and take a new approach. The Sinhala nation remains mislead by the mythical ideology of the Mahavamsa and remains trapped in the chauvinistic sentiments thus created. Unable to free itself from this mindset, it has adopted Sinhala Buddhist chauvinistic notions as its dominant national philosophy. This notion is spread in its schools, universities and even its media. The domination of this Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism is preventing its students, intellectuals, and writers from stepping out of and thinking free from its domination. This, unfortunately, is preventing the Sinhala nation from undertaking a genuine attempt at resolving the Tamil national question in a civilized manner.

Both our liberation movement and our people never preferred war to a peaceful resolution. We have always preferred a peaceful approach to win the political rights of our people. We have never hesitated to follow the peaceful path to win our political rights. That is why we have tried to hold peace talks beginning in Thimpu right through to Geneva on several occasions, at various times, and in many countries. The current peace efforts, with Norwegian facilitation and with the blessings of the international community, taking place in the capitals of various countries are unique.

This peace journey began on 31st October 2000, when the then Norwegian special envoy Eric Solheim visited Vanni and met us. This peace journey is taking place in a unique period, under unique historical conditions, in a unique format and on a unique path. It is moving on two fronts, peace talks, on one hand, and a war of occupation by the Sinhala government, on the other.

During the six years when we kept peace, we were sincere in our efforts. Indeed, we initiated the peace efforts. We created a strong foundation for peace efforts by unilaterally declaring a ceasefire. We refrained from putting conditions or time limits for peace talks. We did not undertake these efforts from a position of weakness. We had recaptured the Vanni mainland and the Iyakkachchi-Elephant Pass military complex. We had beaten back the ‘Operation Fire’ of the Sinhala military. We carried out great military feats in the history of our struggle. It was from this position of strength that we undertook this peace effort.

The situation was just the opposite in the south. The south had faced defeat after defeat and was losing its will to face war. Its military had lost its backbone. The economy was very shaky. It was only under such conditions that the Sinhala nation agreed for peace talks. In this five years since the peace efforts began, three governments have come to power, that of Wickremasinghe, Bandaranayake and Rajapakse. Each time the government changed, the dove of peace moved from one cage to another but it was never able to fly freely. Stabbed many times, the dove is now struggling for its life.

We held talks with the Wickremasinghe government for six months after signing the Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) with him. Like all previous Sinhala regimes, the Wickremasinghe regime dragged time without implementing the clauses in the CFA and the agreements reached at the talks. Its military failed to move out of people’s homes, schools and hospitals and instead declared these vast areas of land as military security zones and permanently prevented the people from returning to their land. The sub-committee for De-escalation and Normalization became dysfunctional. The sub-committee created to solve immediate humanitarian needs of the people also become defunct due to planned sabotage by the government.

The Wickremasinghe government that refused to solve the humanitarian problems facing our people, secretly worked to marginalize our movement on the world stage. Even before setting up a working administrative structure in the Tamil homeland, it conducted donor conferences to obtain aid for the south. By failing to facilitate our participation in the donor conference held in Washington, it marginalized and humiliated our movement. As a result we were forced to stay away from the Tokyo conference. The Wickremasinghe regime did not stop with this. It plotted to trap our freedom movement in an ‘international safety net’ and destroy us.

When we put forward the proposal for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA), startling changes occurred in the southern politics. The Kumaratunge government took over the reins of power. While refusing to hold talks on the basis of our proposal, her government, using the paramilitary phenomenon, intensified the shadow war against us. The paramilitary factor turned the Tamil homeland into a violent blood stained theatre. Intellectuals, political leaders, journalists, LTTE members, supporters and civilians were all murdered. We were forced to halt the political work, carried out according to the CFA clauses by our members in Sri Lankan military occupied areas of the Tamil homeland. As a result, our people were left alone in the cruel grip of the occupying military. Finally the Kumaratunge regime failed to implement even the Joint Mechanism (PTOMS) agreement signed by her regime for tsunami rehabilitation. The Supreme Court, unable to step outside the Sinhala chauvinistic notions, rejected this purely humanitarian focused agreement citing the unitary constitution.

It was at this time that the Sinhala nation elected Rajapakse as its new President. Like the Sinhala leaders of the past, he too is putting his hopes in a military solution. He rejected our final call in our last year’s Heroes’ Day statement, to find a resolution to the Tamil National question with urgency. Instead, he intensified the war, on the one hand, with the view to destroy our movement and, on the other hand, he is talking about finding a peaceful resolution. This dual war and peace approach is fundamentally flawed. It is not possible to find a resolution by marginalizing and destroying the freedom movement with which talks must be held to find the resolution. This is political absurdity on the part of the Sinhala leaders.

The Rajapakse regime hopes to decide the fate of the Tamil nation using its military power. It wants to occupy the Tamil land and then force an unacceptable solution on the Tamils. Due to this strategy of the Rajapakse regime, the CFA has become defunct. The Rajapakse regime, by openly advocating attacks on our positions, has effectively buried the CFA. The Rajapakse regime’s attacks have expanded from land to sea and air. It has given a free hand to the paramilitary groups to kill at will. It has occupied Mavilaru and Sampur blatantly breaking the terms of the CFA. The Sinhala military misjudged our strategic withdrawal from Mavilaru and Sampur. It used heavy firepower and launched large scale offensives to bring Tamil lands under its control. Tamil land was soaked in blood. It is at this time we decided to give a shock to the Sinhala regime. Our forces conducted a massive counter-offensive on the Sinhala forces that attempted to move from Kilali and Muhamalai. The military sustained heavy losses and was forced to abandon its offensive temporarily. This, however, did not persuade the Sinhala regime to give up its military plans. It continues on its military path.

The Rajapakse regime, while conducting genocide of the Tamils, is portraying our movement which is waging a struggle to save the Tamils from this genocide as a terrorist organization. It has launched a malicious propaganda campaign to defame our movement. Ignoring the unanimous opposition of our people and the objection of the Sri Lankan Monitoring Mission (SLMM), the European Union and Canada have yielded to diplomatic pressure from the Sri Lankan government and listed our movement as a terrorist organization. They isolated us as undesirables.

This hasty decision, arrived at without considering the prevailing context, has created serious repercussions. It has gravely disturbed the parity of status and balance of power we held with the Sinhala regime. It encouraged the hard line stance of the Sinhala regime. It weakened the SLMM and facilitated the war plans of the Sinhala regime. Some countries that proclaim to be helping the peace efforts, have not only failed to condemn the genocidal attacks on our people but are also giving military and financial aid to the Sinhala regime to support its war plans. These are external factors that are encouraging the Rajapakse regime to carry on with its brutal military offensives in the Tamil land with absolute impunity.

The Rajapakse regime is not giving due importance to the peace talks because it has confidence in its military approach. The two Geneva talks were unproductive because of its lack of interest in the peace front. At the first Geneva talks, we placed evidence of military-paramilitary cooperation in the form of documents, statistics and incident reports. Unable to reject the solid evidence, the Sri Lankan government agreed to implement the CFA clause by removing the paramilitary groups from the Tamil homeland. After this first Geneva talks, there was only one change. State and paramilitary terror in the Tamil homeland escalated.

The second Geneva talks were also a failure. At these talks, we gave priority to the humanitarian issues facing our people and requested that the A9 road be opened and the SLMM be given freedom to function. The Sri Lankan government, putting military advantage ahead of humanitarian concerns, rejected both requests.

The Sinhala government that failed to show mercy to the people affected by a natural disaster is never going to budge on a humanitarian crisis that it planned and created. How could the peace talks move forward when the peace delegation is made up of people who proclaim that they will wage war and hold peace talks at the same time? How can trust be built? How can peace be arrived at like this?

To improve his posturing as a peace dove, President Rajapakse staged a deceptive ‘All Party Conference’. The Sinhala leaders have practiced this infamous political tradition of initiating commissions of inquiry, parliamentary select committees, all party conferences, or round tables to procrastinate whenever it is unable to face up to a situation and wants to drag time until attention is diverted. This is exactly what he is doing now. Rejecting our call to speedily find a resolution to the Tamil national question, he is hiding behind the All Party Conference. For the last ten months, the all party committee is looking for the Tamil question, like searching for a black cat in a dark room.

Once the All Party Conference lost its deceptive power, President Rajapakse has taken up his next card, the MoU between the two major parties. These two major parties that effectively have hegemonic control over the south are both essentially chauvinistic parties. Both these parties are born of Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism and compete with each other to carry out genocide of the Tamils. This MoU is a temporary opportunistic move by Rajapakse regime to avoid the multiple problems of international pressure to find a peaceful solution, the declining economic situation, and the opposition of his political partner, Janatha Vimukthi Perumuna (JVP). There is no sincere motive in this MoU agreement. These two parties will never put forward a just solution to the Tamil issue. Despite this, the Rajapakse regime continues to show interest in keeping the all party conference alive simply to deceive the world.

My beloved people,

A long time has elapsed since we embarked on this journey for peace with Norway’s facilitation. We have tried our best to take forward this peace effort. We have practised patience. We gave innumerable opportunities for finding peaceful resolution. We postponed our plan to advance our freedom struggle twice to give even more chances to the peace efforts, once when the tsunami disaster struck and again when President Rajapakse was elected.

It is now crystal clear that the Sinhala leaders will never put forward a just resolution to the Tamil national question. Therefore, we are not prepared to place our trust in the impossible and walk along the same old futile path.

The uncompromising stance of Sinhala chauvinism has left us with no other option but an independent state for the people of Tamil Eelam. We therefore ask the international community and the countries of the world that respect justice to recognize our freedom struggle. At this historic time when the Tamils are recommencing their journey on the path of freedom, we seek the unwavering support and assistance of the world Tamil community. We express our gratitude to the Tamil Nadu people and leaders for voicing their support and ask them to continue their efforts to help us in our freedom struggle. We express our gratitude to the Tamil Diaspora, our displaced brethren living all around the world, for their contribution to our struggle and ask them to maintain their unwavering participation and support.”


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எழுத்துருவைத் தெரிவுசெய்ய.
பாமினி ஆங்கில உச்சரிப்பில்

[மேலுள்ள பெட்டியில் தட்டச்சினால் கீழுள்ள பெட்டியில் ஒருங்குறிக்கு (Unicode) மாற்றப்பட்ட எழுத்துரு கிடைக்கும்]

சுரதா, கிருபாவுக்கு நன்றி

Friday, November 24, 2006

An Open Letter to the Co-Chairs of the Tokyo Donors Conference

By: Eelaththamilzan
Courtesy: TamilCanadian - November 22, 2006

You have miserably failed the Tamil People in the island of Sri Lanka, in their
will and desire to progress diligently and peacefully on the commitments and
agreements reached between the GOSL and the Liberation Tigers of Thamil Eelam.

The Statement
Done it Again! The Co-Chairs have given their proven record of partisan diplomacy an added significance by completely ignoring the continuing Human Rights abuses and Humanitarian violations, now being inflicted upon the Tamil people particularly in the Northern homeland of Jaffna, in the Eastern homeland of Vaharai and also in the Capital Colombo.
The Co-Chairs have extended their privy and shown more interest in addressing and welcoming the nefarious promises and trivial exercises of the Government of Sri Lanka in its efforts to hoodwink the entire international community, on their present vengeful and diabolical approach to the Tamil National Issue.

Background to the Co-Chairs
After certain early stages of the entry of Norway as the Peace Facilitator, it was considered to be important to have some major wealthy countries to give strong backing for their Peace initiative, and to give strength to their efforts in seeing the implementation of any agreements between the two Parties to the Conflict.

As time progressed towards the requirement of very important and tough periods of diplomacy and incentives, the Tokyo Donors Conference took shape in the form of three countries, namely the United States, Japan and Norway together with the European Union, assuming the mantle of Co-Chairs of the Tokyo Donor Conference.

Now, we all know how during the build-up to formulating the functions and agenda of this elite grouping, the Liberation Tigers of Thamil Eelam was sidelined and isolated by non other than the Host country of the latest meeting, in difference to the encouragement total involvement of the Government of Sri Lanka.

Now and again, at regular intervals this Host country has actively indulged in wooing the Government of Sri Lanka through offering various methods of facilitating training and support to its armed forces and providing Aid through its less obvious channels set up for such purposes. It has consistently turned a blind eye to the reality of the sufferings of the Tamil people at the hands of these armed forces, the perpetrators of violence.

It is glaringly obvious where this host country stands, when the person who presided over this latest meeting of the Co-Chairs, Mr Nicholas Burns himself had proclaimed, 21 October 2006, that the United States was signalling their strong support for the Government of Sri Lanka. He further reiterated, as if that was not enough endorsement, that they do not recognise or support the Liberation Tigers of Thamil Eelam. It was ironical that this was expressed on the eve of the Geneva talks.

Where then, is the integrity and diplomatic credibility of a nation that calls itself the defender of Freedom, Justice and Liberty of people around the world, who are suppressed and marginalized under repressive regimes ?

Is it not also then very clear, that there is little difference between this country?s stand and that of the paramilitary groups, the extremist JVP, the Buddhist Hela Urumaya and the marauding Sri Lanka Military ?

The United States and the European Union stand guilty of practising double standards on the Tamil National Issue, and do not possess the true credentials to participate in a fair and just manner as Co-Chairs when addressing the Parties to the Conflict.
This is an eye-opener for the Tamil people, in that here we see the drama of a very partisan exercise being enacted by the very same countries that is purported to bring the Parties to the Conflict to the negotiating table in an equal and equitable manner.

You Have Failed
The joint statement released by yourselves following your deliberations over two days as Co-Chairs on 21 November 2006 in Washington, would deem to have been read with Contempt by the entire Tamil population of Thamil Eelam.
You have miserably failed, to neither address nor comment on the prevailing volatile military activities along the borders of the Tamil homeland, on the continuing aerial bombardment of the Tamil homeland, on the near starvation and open-prison conditions of the Tamil people in the northern Jaffna peninsula.


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எழுத்துருவைத் தெரிவுசெய்ய.
பாமினி ஆங்கில உச்சரிப்பில்

[மேலுள்ள பெட்டியில் தட்டச்சினால் கீழுள்ள பெட்டியில் ஒருங்குறிக்கு (Unicode) மாற்றப்பட்ட எழுத்துரு கிடைக்கும்]

சுரதா, கிருபாவுக்கு நன்றி

Friday, November 17, 2006

மாமனிதன் ரவிராஜின் இறுதிச் சொற்கள்

அண்மையில் கொழும்பில் வைத்துச் சுட்டுப் படுகொலை செய்யப்பட்ட தமிழ்தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பின் யாழ்.மாவட்டத்துக்கான நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் ரவிராஜ் அவர்களின் இறுதிச் செவ்வி கீழே தரப்படுகிறது.

கொலை செய்யப்பட்ட அன்று காலை ஊடகமொன்றின் அரசியற் கலந்துரையாடல் நிகழ்வில் கலந்துகொண்டு தன் கருத்துக்களைத் தெரிவித்திருந்தார். அந்நிகழ்வு முடிந்து திரும்பியபோதே அவர்மீது தாக்குதல் நடத்தப்பட்டுக் கொல்லப்பட்டார்.

அவ்வரசியில் நிகழ்வில் ஏ-9 பாதையைத் திறப்பது தொடர்பாகவே முதன்மைப்படுத்தப்பட்டது.
இதோ அம்மாமனிதனின் இறுதிக் கருத்துக்கள்.


Slain MP’s final words an hour before being gunned down

Following is the complete text of the last live programme Mr. N. Raviraj attended on Derana TV yesterday (November - 09). Mr. Raviraj was invited for the Derana Aruna programme last morning from 7.30 am to 8.00 am to discuss the A-9 closure and recent attacks on civilians. He was in the Derana studio in Nugegoda for about 45 minutes before being attacked by an unidentified gunman in Narahenpita within two hours after the interview.

Q: Hon Member, Your party launched a massive protest in parliament against the de- merger of the North and the East following the recent Supreme Court judgment. What was the reason for these protests?

A: We in the TNA started agitations demanding the reopening of the A9 Road… Meanwhile on Oct.16th, the Supreme Court passed the judgment on de-merger of the two provinces. However, we do not have a problem with the judgment… we have a political problem. The people in the north-east aspire to live together. They aspire for the merger of the two provinces, it is a basic human right of those people.

In the ancient times, there were Sinhala and Tamil kingdoms in Sri Lanka. It is not new to our people. That is mainly an area of Tamils from ancient times. It does not mean that we want to divide the country. We believe that North and east be considered as a one unit. That should be the base if to find a solution to the ethnic crisis.

In fact, the Sinhala or the Tamil people do not want to see a military struggle and bloodshed in the country. They are prepared to live in peace. When the tsunami hit Mullaithivu area, it was the Sinhala people who helped the Tamils. They do not want war. I am for a negotiated settlement. This was not only what I say. The first such example was set by the Emperor Ashoka after Kalinga war. First of all the people who are starved should be given food and build confidence. The TNA is committed to support any such endeavour.

Q: Why do you insist on the de merger of the two provinces, and what special privilege will the Tamil community have by that or in what manner does the merger benefit them?

A: Why do you people say that this country should not be divided? Because, then only people feel more strong and powerful. Likewise, Tamils will feel more powerful when they are together. The merger will enhance their strength and provide them the opportunity to look into their affairs well. It is their aspiration. The two provinces are prominently Tamil areas.

Q: If you are accepting that living in unity will make people more powerful, why don’t you support the unitary state concept ?

A: Unitary state concept is no longer acceptable now. It is an old system and has no validity today. When we achieved independence in 1948, not a single Tamil leader talked about a separate state or a federal state. Who forced us to the present situation?

Q: You say that Tamil leaders did not demand a separate state. But, Wasn’t Mr.Ponnambalam’s 50-50 demand the origin of this crisis?

A: In 1947 when India achieved independence, Mohamed Ali Jinnah demanded Pakistan to be separated. We asked for 50-50 and then a Federal system and now the LTTE is fighting for separate state. However, as politicians we still believe in a united country. Who is responsible for this state? Since independence, we were being discriminated. First, they abolished the clauses in Soulbury Commission, which provided safeguards for the minorities, and then they brought Sinhala Only Act. Thus, who pushed us to this state? India that gained independence in 1947 has 22 states now. Yet, it is a united country today, because they implemented the right administrative system. Some fear federal system would divide the country. But the best example we can get is from India. In 1965, Tamil Nadu demanded separate powers. But today if you ask a Tamil in Tamilnadu, they will say we are all Indians..! Jaffna people are starving due to the closure of the A9.

We are one family. In a family, mothers generally tend to love or treat a disabled child or the youngest more than others. What we do is taking all the facilities including food from that child. That is what they did exactly by closing the A-9. In 1995, government launched operation Jaya Sikuru to open the A-9. Vice –versa, this government says it cannot open it, giving the impression that those people do not belong to our country. Thus, we will provide them goods in ships. What is this all about?

Q: The issue of the A9 road is an outcome of terrorist activities… everybody is aware that LTTE take ransoms and tax people on the A9 road?

A: They say LTTE taking ransom. What a lie…. A9 was opened only in 2002. how did the LTTE survive so far? Didn’t they earn before? Didn’t they have enough food and other facilities? This was a downright lie of the government. I returned from Jaffna only yesterday. I accept that LTTE tax people.

Q: But didn’t the LTTE attack the military checkpoint?

A: Ok let me finish on the tax affair. Goods were sent in ships even when I was the Jaffna Mayor since 1995. A petrol litre was sold at Rs 1000. To whom those taxes went? I want to emphasize one thing. The LTTE never ever imposed tax on essential items sent by the government to be distributed freely among poor people in the area through Divisional Secretariats and on items related to education. Also who are paying taxes for the LTTE. Not the people here, not Mr. Mahinda Rajapaksa, not Keheliya Rambukwella, not even Raviraj… it’s the people of those areas. When A9 was opened, the difference of a Petrol litre in Jaffna was only Rs 10 including LTTE taxes.

Q: Why are you opposing an alternative route?

A: Is not the Pooneryn route also going through Kilinochchi. Will there be no taxing then. Moreover, it is a more distant and difficult road and only two kilometres away from the sea. Besides, what happened to the people who went to observe the road yesterday? SLMM chief managed a narrow escape from an attack and had to hide in a bunker.

Let me tell one thing to Mr. Rajapaksa. Let’s close the main road to Hambantota and send all goods in ships from Colombo.

Q: But there is no terrorist issue in Hambantota?

A: Why are you always talking about a terrorist issue? If there is terrorism it should be suppressed using similar methods. In 1.1 clause, it’s clearly mentioned in the CFA that the A9 should be opened. If the government is not willing to do so, what they should do is to say that they do not accept the CFA, CFA is over and that they have started war. It has nothing to do with the innocent people of the area. .Now the A9 road is closed causing innumerable hardships to the innocent people. Even the animals in the area are starved to death. We have to obtain visas from the Army camp in the area to come to Colombo. Do you know that?

Q: Wasn’t it the LTTE who closed the A9 in their areas?

A: What nonsense! I even went to Kilinochchi and Pallai recently. I barely escaped a shell attack.

Q: From which side?

A: Obviously…. You do not look up to see from which side you have been attacked during a war. When I was in Jaffna, there were 50-60 shells from this side to retaliate one or two shells from the LTTE side. Situation is such that people of the area could not sleep in peace when there are no shell attacks. The LTTE is willing to reopen the road in their area with the intervention of international observers.

Q: These are happening because the LTTE attacked a ship carrying civilians. What are your comments on such terrorist activities?

A: Why does the government ferry civilians by sea? Let me explain. In one ship, have more than 1000 travellers aboard. Who are they? Only 300 of them are civilians and others are security personnel. I do not say that the security personnel should not come to see their kith and kin. But the government is only providing a civilian cover to ferry soldiers. You will understand that if the A9 road is open, these problems will not crop up. In 1995 the government launched Jaya Sikuru operation to open A9 road. Thousands of our youths were killed. Now the government has closed the same road.

Q: What solution do you proposed to overcome this problem?

A: There are many personal problems. My good friend J.VP Leader Somawansa Amarasinghe has problems. The JHU has problems and even general Fonseka has problems… The Buddha preached the benefits of alms giving. Buddhists say that we must help others. However, the monks who follow Buddha are opposed to the opening of A9 road to supply food to the people in Jaffna. Wimal Weerawansa said that if the UNO intervenes in the problems it will be a violation of the country’s sovereignty. What right does he have to talk about sovereignty? It was them who took up arms against the democratically elected government in 1971. In 1988/89 period, they did not allow us to light even a kerosene lamp. So how can they talk about sovereignty today.

Q: Several solutions have been proposed to the national problem. Indian Panchayath system is one such. What is your opinion in this regard?

A: Indian Panchayath system is a system in a village administrative system. After devolution of powers at higher level, some measure of autonomy is given to the village level. However, I have not yet heard that this system is to be implemented in Sri Lanka.

Q: Hon. Member, what measures do you proposed do you propose to resolve this problem

A: In fact, the Sinhala or the Tamil people do not want to see a military struggle and bloodshed in the country. They are prepared to live in peace. When the tsunami hit Mullaithivu area, it was the Sinhala people who helped the Tamils. They do not want war. I am for a negotiated settlement.

This was not only what I say. The first such example was set by the Emperor Ashoka after Kalinga war. First of all the people who are starved should be given food and build confidence. The TNA is committed to support any such endeavour.


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சுரதா, கிருபாவுக்கு நன்றி

Monday, November 06, 2006

ஈழத்தின் இலக்கியத்தில் பரிசோதனை முயற்சிகள்

பனுவல் -தாவீது கிறிஸ்ரோ-

தினக்குரல் வாரப்பத்திரிகையில் வெளிவந்த கட்டுரையிது. பயன்கருதி இங்குப் பதிவாக்கப்படுகிறது.

மேலைத்தேய முன் முயற்சிகளின் ஆகர்சனத்தினால்தான் தமிழிலும் இலக்கியப் பரிசோதனைகள் நிகழ்த்தப்பட்டன. சிறுகதை, நாவல், புதுக்கவிதை எனத் தமிழில் இன்று இலக்கியம் என அங்கீகரிக்கப்பட்ட வடிவங்கள் அனைத்தினதும் நதிமூலங்கள் மேலைத்தேயங்களே.

தமிழ் புதுக்கவிதை வளர்ச்சியை ஒரு இயக்கமாக முன்னெடுத்த சி.சு.செல்லப்பாவின் ` எழுத்து'விலும் அதற்கு முன்னர் ந.பிச்சமூர்த்தி தொடக்கி வைத்த புதுக்கவிதையின் தொடர்வரவாளர்களில் ஒருவராக நம் நாட்டின் தருமு சிவராமு குறிப்பிடப்பட வேண்டியவர். அவருக்குப் பின்னரான பரிசோதனையாளர்களாக தமிழகத்தில் பலர் இருந்த போதும் நமது நாட்டைப் பொறுத்தவரையில் மறுமலர்ச்சிக்கால வரதர் ந. பிச்சமூர்த்தியைத் தொடர முயன்று பின்னர் அம்முயற்சியிலிருந்து விலகியவர். தா. இராமலிங்கம் அவர்களின் கவிதைகளில் இவ்வகைப் பரிசோதனைகளை நாம் அவதானித்தோம். பின்னரான காலங்களில் வானம்பாடிகளின் பாணியை ஒட்டிச் சற்று வித்தியாசமாக திக்குவல்லை கமால் ,அன்பு ஜவகர்ஷா போன்ற முஸ்லிம் கவிஞர்களும் பூனகரி மரியதாஸ், ஈழவாணன் போன்றவர்களும் புதுக்கவிதைகைளை எழுதினர்.

சண்முகம் சிவலிங்கம் மார்க்சியத்தை அங்கீகரித்தவர். அவரது கவிதைகள மிகவும் வித்தியாசமான ஒரு வெளிப்பாட்டைக் கொண்டிருந்தன. அலையில் வெளிவந்த `வெளியார் வருகை' போன்ற கவிதைகளை இங்கு எடுத்துக்காட்டலாம். இதேபோல், மல்லிகையில் இவரது கவிதைகள் உருவப் பரிசோதனையோடு ஆக்கப்பட்டு வெளிவந்தன.

இதேகாலம் முற்றிலும் வித்தியாசமான மு.கனகராஜனின் `முட்கள் முறியும் ஒசையும்' வெளிவந்தது. சோலைக்கிளியின் ஆரம்பம் கூட (இன்றுவரை அது தொடர்கிறது) ஒரு பரிசோதனையின் வெளிப்பாடே.

பாலமுனை பாறுக், அன்புடீன்,மேமன்கவி போன்றோரும் பின்னரான சேரன்,ஜெயபாலன் போன்றோரும் வானம்பாடியினரின் பாணியில் வந்தோரே. தருமு சிவராமு பாணியில் பரிசோதனை செய்தவர்களில் சபா ஜெயராஜா குறிப்பிடத்தக்கவர். இவரது கவிதைகள் தொகுப்பாகவராவிட்டாலும் பத்திரிகைகளில் பிரசுரமான காலத்தில் வித்தியாசமான உருவ அமைப்பைக் கொண்டிருந்தன.

வட்டம் என்பதை .எனவும், சதுரம் என்பதை எனவும் எழுத்துகளால் கோலம் போட்ட கவிதைகள் அவருடையவை.

எம்.ஏ.நுஃமான் தம்மை ஒரு போதும் புதுக்கவிதைக்காரராகக் கூறிக் கொள்வதில்லை. இவரோடு மு.பொ. ,அ. யேசுராசா , சு.வி. என ஒரு வரிசையே இங்கே அடையாளப்படுத்த முடியும்.

சிறுகதைத்துறையில் பேராதனைப் பல்கலைக்கழகத்திலிருந்து வெளிவந்த ஒரு சில முன் முயற்சிப் பரிசோதனைகளைக் கூற முடியும். மு.தளையசிங்கம், காசிநாதர் போன்றவர்களின் சிறுகதைகள் சிலவற்றை இதற்குரியதாக உதாரணப்படுத்தலாம். ஜோர்ஜ் சந்திரசேகரனும் இவ்வகை முயற்சியில் ஈடுபட்டவராவார்.

இவர்களுக்கு முன்னதாக எஸ். பொ.வின் முயற்சிகளையும் இங்கு குறிப்பிடலாம். முற்றுத்தரிப்பு இல்லாமல் ஒரே வசனத்தில் ஒரு கதையை அவர் எழுதியிருந்தார். அணி, குளிர் போன்ற கதைகளும் இதில் அடக்கம்.

நீர்வை பொன்னையனின் 70 இற்குப் பின்னரான கதைகளும், எஸ். அகஸ்தியரின் உணர்வூற்றுருவாக்க சிறுகதைகளும் இதற்குள் அடக்கம்.

90 களில் சரிநிகரில் ` அருள் சின்னையா' எழுதிய ஒரு சிறுகதை பரிசோதனை முயற்சியின் வெளிப்பாடாக வெளிவந்தது. இதற்கு முன்னர் கோணைத்தென்றல் என வெளிவந்த ரோணியோ சஞ்சிகையில் தேஸ்விலோமன், ரிசிப்பிரப்ஞன்( இப்போது சித்தார்த்த சேகுவரா) எழுதிய கதைகளும் பரிசோதனைச் சிறுகதைகளே. இன்று வெளிவரும் பலபடைப்புக்களை பின் நவீனத்தும் எனும் சட்டகத்துக்குள் பொருத்திப் பார்க்கும் போது இத்தகு முன்முயற்சிகள் ( முன் நவீனத்துவம் என பெயர் சூட்டலாம்) ஏலவே, இங்கு நிகழ்த்தப்பட்டுள்ளன.சட்டகத்துக்குள் அடங்காதவையே பின் நவீனத்துவப் படைப்புகள் என்பதும் இங்கு அவதானிக்கத்தக்கது.

அருள் சின்னையாவைத் தொடர்ந்து `திருக்கோவில் கவியுவன்-( ஒரு விதத்தில் உமா வரதராஜனின் அரசனின் வருகை, கள்ளிச்சொட்டு என்பவற்றையும் இங்கு குறிப்பிடலாம்) அம்ரிதா.ஏ.எம்., ஓட்டமாவடி அறபாத், வி.கௌரிபாலன், திசேரா, மலர்ச்செல்வன் ஆகியோரை நாம் வரிசைப்படுத்த முடியும். ஷோபாசக்தி, சக்கரவர்த்தி போன்றோரின் படைப்புகள் பின் நவீனத்துவ வகை மாதிரிக்குள் அடக்கப்படாவிட்டாலும் அம் முயற்சிகளுக்கு சற்று நெருக்கமானவை எனக் கூறலாம். சமீபத்தில் மஜீத் எழுதிய ` கதையாண்டி' எனும் புதினம் வரிந்தெழுதப்பட்ட ஒரு பின் நவீனத்துவ முயற்சியாகும்.(இக்கதை பற்றிமிகவும் காட்டமான விமர்சனம் எனக்குள்ளது. அதனைப் பிறிதொரு பத்தியில் எழுதவிருப்பதால் இப்போது தவிர்த்துக் கொள்கிறேன்). புதுக்கவிதைத்துறையின் முன்முயற்சிகளுக்கு உற்சாகம் தந்த சஞ்சிகைகளாக பூரணி, அலை, களனி, அக்னி, புதுசு போன்றவற்றை கண்டிப்பாகக் குறிப்பிட வேண்டும். 80 களில் திசை பின்னர் சரிநிகர் போன்ற பத்திரிகைகளும் இவ்வகை முயற்சிகளுக்கு ஆதரவு நல்கியுள்ளன.

ஒரு விதத்தில் இங்கு எழும் பிரச்சினை உருவ, உள்ளடக்கம் சார்ந்த பிரச்சினையாகவே இனங்காணப்படல் வேண்டும். சுத்த கலைவாதம் அல்லது முற்றிலும் பிரசாரம் எனும் அந்தக்காலவாதப் பிரதிவாதங்களுடன் இப்பிரச்சினையைப் பொருத்திப்பார்க்கலாம்.

மரபுப்பாணியில் சமூக உள்ளடக்கம் சார்ந்து முற்போக்கு கவிஞர்கள் பலர் எழுதிய காலத்தில் சுத்த இலக்கியவாதிகள் அவர்களை எதிர்த்தனர். நிராகரித்தனர். இம்முற்போக்கு அணியில் தான்தோன்றிக்கவிராயர், முருகையன், யாழ்ப்பாணக்கவிராயர், சுபத்திரன் போன்றோரும் எதிர் அணியில், இ.நாகராஜன்,வி.கந்தவனம், அம்பி, காசி ஆனந்தன் போன்றோரும் இருந்தனர். முன்னவர் அணியில் பின்னர் வந்த எஸ்.ஜி. கணேசவேல், புதுவை இரத்தினதுரை, முருகு கந்தராசாவைக் குறிப்பிடலாம். எதிரணிக்கு உதாரணம் காட்ட பின்னர் எவரும் கிட்டவில்லை .ஆயினும், பின்னர் வந்த முற்போக்கு அணியில் சற்று வித்தியாசமானவராக சாருமதி முகிழ்ந்தார். அவரைவிடவும் வித்தியாசமாக சிவசேகரம் பல குறிப்பிடத்தக்க கவிதைகளைத் தந்திருக்கிறார். போரின் முகங்கள், வடலி எனும் தொகுப்புகளின் கவிதைகள் இதற்கு நல்ல உதாரணங்களும்.

நமது போர்க்கால சூழலில் இப்போது ஏராளம் தமிழ், முஸ்லிம் கவிஞர்கள் தங்களது கவிதைத் தொகுதிகளுடன் நமக்கு அறிமுகமாகியிருக்கிறார்கள். இவர்களின் கவிதைத் தொகுதிகளுக்கான தலைப்புகளும், கவிதைத் தலைப்புகளுமே வாசகனை தலை கிறுகிறுக்கச் செய்கின்றன.எழுதியவரது பெயரைத் தவிர்த்து கவிதைகளையும்,கவிதைத் தலைப்புகளையும் வாசித்தால் ஒருவரே சகல கவிதைகளையும் திரும்பத் திரும்ப எழுதுவதான ஒரு மயக்கத்தை ஏற்படுத்தும் ஆபத்தான சூழலில் நமது கவிஞர்களும் தள்ளப்பட்டுள்ளனர்.இது கவிதைத் தொழிற்சாலையில் இருந்து தயாரித்து வெளியிடப்படும் உற்பத்திப் பொருட்களில் ஒன்றாக கவிதைத்துறை மாறிவிட்டதன் அவலநிலையெனக் கொள்ள வேண்டும்.புதிய கவிஞர்கள் பலர் நவீனத்துவத்தை ஏற்றுக் கொண்டாலும் தம்முள் ஏதோ வகையில் ஒத்து ஓடும் வெளிப்பாட்டு முறைச் சமரசத்தைக் கொண்டுள்ளார்கள். இதேநேரம், கிழக்கிலிருந்து தீவிரத்துடனும் பின் நவீனத்துவ கதையாடலுடனும் தமது அடையாளங்களைக் காட்டும் வகையில் இப்போது பெருவெளிக்குச் சிலர் வந்துள்ளனர்.

இவர்களினால் வலிந்துரைக்கப்படும் பின் நவீனத்துவப் படைப்புகள், ஏன் தேவைப்படுகின்றன என்ற கேள்விக்குப் பின்னால் பொதிந்துள்ள அர்த்தப்பாடு மிக முக்கியமானது. அவை பல்வேறு விதத்தில் விரித்துரைக்கப்பட்டாலும், மக்கள் திரளின் விடிவு நோக்கிய பணியை முன்னெடுப்பவர்களுக்கு இருக்கும் ஒரே ஒரு அர்த்தப்பாடு. அது மக்கள் நலன் சார்ந்த ஒன்றாக இருக்க வேண்டும் என்பதேயாகும்.

நன்றி: ஞாயிறு தினக்குரல் October 29, 2006

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